Electronic Communication at Work Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Electronic Communication at Work - Essay Example As the report declares ICT has changed not only the social life but also the nature of working life of the people. ICT has greatly changed the nature of work of the Australian community in many aspects which has been brought about by use of new technologies in work. This paper stresses that the diffusion of ICT in some of the aspects of the traditional jobs shows that they can be performed by clients themselves at all levels. For example the increased presence of photocopying machines and computer has taken the services at home from the commercial centres as more people now own these machines. The presence of the internet has led to creation of new jobs in the market as well as evolution of new methods of working. In the industries, it has also changed the nature of work and some of the traditional jobs are not turning multi skilled or they have come to add value in order to remain more viable in the market. Therefore it has led to diversification of skills that are required to perform a certain job while in other cases it has led to reduction of the skills required. This has been an important change in the way we work. The rise of electronic technology has facilitated the aspect of computerization of almost all the sectors of our life. The prod uction sector has been changing very fast which has led some of the trade skills traditionally considered important obsolete. For example typesetters and engravers in the printing industry and the circulation desk in the libraries have been rendered obsolete by the emerging technology. There has also been a great reorganization of the work place. (Capuro 2006, p. 65) This reorganization has led to creation of some departments which never existed before. The change in technology has brought about realignment of the workplace. For example the increased data handling capacity of computers has led to change of some departments that existed before. Computerization in the workplace has also led to the need to have workers who posses computer skills. It has become a requirement for every worker to have the basic computer skills in order to carry out their duty effectively. The use of computers in all departments demands multi-skilled workers. (Coyne 1995, p. 71) ICT has also led to breaking of boundaries of many occupations. There has been replication of services handled by different departments. For example, there has been increased sharing of duties between different departments that have reduced the boundaries between them. If we take the case of human resource department and the accounting department, both share the same database on the employees which is used to account for the payroll by the accounting department while the HR department use for supervision. (Forester 2004, p. 32) The nature of work has also been changed by the development of new products and process inputs in the production process. The change in technology of the production process has led to development of new product and new production process which has changed how we do our work. However the speed at which these new products and

Homeland Security - Response & Recovery Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Homeland Security - Response & Recovery - Essay Example a system in the sense that it consist of a number of independent elements that must work together to achieve common outputs – such as rapid alleviation of suffering by the victims of a natural disaster, industrial accident or terrorist attack† (p.1). Thus, he mentioned of three essential independent elements: namely the private sectors like Red Cross; state and local agencies; and federal agencies should coordinate and collaborate with each other to achieve the desired result which is to have a more efficient and effective disaster response programs. There were scenarios before in United States of America in which the Federal government only aids local states in financial matters alone (p.2) and in which Miskel mentioned that in a typical disaster, the government plays no operational role –a meaning they just support them in terms of money reimbursement (p3). Therefore, the first thing that the primary elements should do first is to coordinate with one another. Th e three major elements (private sectors, state and local government, and federal government) must contribute and work together to achieve a better result and achieve the goals of quick-reducing suffering from timely and effective coordination. The National response system (NRS), under the Federal government, endorses this so-call Incident Command System (ICS) or Unified Command (UC) as an effective tool of managing all emergency response of incidents for multi-jurisdictional situation. This brings together local government, the federal government and the Responsible Party (RP) in coordination to retort in oil spills and/or other harmful chemical substances that can endanger to the lives of its constituents. Aside from this, they should implement programs that will aid the citizens in times of calamities or disasters. The Community Emergency Response Team (CERT) Program, under the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) is a tool in helping the people through its advocacy in givin g seminars and education to prepare themselves whenever unexpected things happened. â€Å"It educates people about disaster preparedness for hazards that may impact heir area and trains them in basic disaster response skills, such as fire safety, light search and rescue, team organization, and disaster medical operations.† (CERT’s official website article). So, government should also seek for people empowerment as one of the effective tool to achieve success especially in large, multi-agency and multi-jurisdictional society, thus, we must always put in mind that we are not always there when accidents happen. Thus, it is also safe to ensure that the people themselves could help themselves. Under our law, there two main agencies that are in-charge of management disaster control namely: the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) under the Executive cabinet of Department of Homeland Security (DHS); and the Center for Excellence in Disaster Management and Humanitarian A ssistance (COE) that was established by the US Congress. In line with the DHS, the Citizens Corps (a voluntary organization) seeks to mitigate disaster and prepare the population for emergency response through public education, training, and outreach. What our state do is to give seminars and actual-case demo to at least make our citizen prepare when an unexpected things occurs. We target the youngsters in schools and teach them what they would do in times of calamities. An example would be earthquake drills, first aids and alike. We target class rooms and young people

Healthcare Administration 8 questions Assignment

Healthcare Administration 8 questions - Assignment Example The prevalence as well as the sustainability of communicable diseases which is another macro-trend in the United States has been a major concern for the healthcare practitioners and they are currently devising a long-term plan on how to handle the situation. Tuberculosis and sexually transmitted diseases have been ranked as the leading communicable diseases in the United States. Future research is expected to focus on relaying actual statistics on the rate of new infections and other underlying statistics on communicable diseases (Kronenfeld, 2002). Child health which focuses on infant mortality rate is regarded as a very vital macro-trend in the United States that requires a lot of attention so as to enable the realization of strategies in the healthcare system. Chronic diseases remain the greatest cause of infant mortality in the country. Diseases such as asthma are recorded to the leading cause of absenteeism in schools because its management is very costly and cannot be afforded by most families (Ryff, 2001). A recent article by Molly Worthen of the Daily beast indicated that nothing much has been achieved in the United States even with the presence of the Obamacare. Healthcare system has become considerably costly due to the presence of indirect costs incurred by those seeking health services. Hence, there is need for a complete overhaul in the entire health system and the present macro-trends. Dan Mangan of cnbc in an article titled, â€Å"US: Well pay for health insurance. World: Not us† indicated that economic factor was key towards the achievement of sustainable policies in the health sector. The ever increasing insurance on health matters was not necessary and is viewed as a means by which the government exploited the

Respond to the article Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Respond to the article - Essay Example Some address problems by acquainting themselves with the nature of the difficulty before coming to grips with it. Others seek external professional assistance, whereas others ignore the problem with the expectation it will go away (Cohen 2). In relation to want I found interesting in this article, I learnt that it is recommendable for young children particularly those in kindergarten to be taught on how to cope up with challenges associated with adversities so as to help them when under pressure. Some of the coping skills that I learnt to be crucial include the model â€Å"BASIC Ph†. In relation to this model, I learnt that it is important to inform young children about what we believe as a society, encouraging the expression of children’s feelings through pictures, and allowing children to take part in the social roles. Additionally, I learnt that transforming a frightening condition into an adventure, explaining to children what they need to know in addition to keeping children occupied during emergencies will aid them cope with pressures associated with

Critical Response of Aflaq, al-Husri, Rida, Khalidi Essay

Critical Response of Aflaq, al-Husri, Rida, Khalidi - Essay Example This term simply refers to according much patriotism to one’s ethnic, as well as the tribal community, other than the government (Hobsbawn 48). Therefore, this script will keenly address the issue of protonationalism according to Hobsbawm. In addition, it will further illustrate the elements of protonationalism identified by Khalidi among Palestinians in 19th and 20th century, together with their contributions to their later nationalist identity formation. The paper will further examine the existence of a unified Palestinian peasant identity. In his endeavor to understand the issue of protonationalism among communities, Hobsbawm starts by wondering why such an association should occur in any given societal setting. For instance, he wonders, why people from a similar state ought to form some communities, as well as associations that make them view the rest as strangers. Hobsbawn explains the concept of protonationalism to have its origin from the existence of feelings resulting to the growth of interests that result to a feeling of a collective belonging (Hobsbawn 49). The current literature that explains the origin, the expansion, as well as the effects of protonationalism has identified two main distinct examples of the above concept. The first example of protonationalism, known as the Supra-local, does not entail the circles in which individuals from a given setting spend their lives. It goes beyond the family setting, and immediate towns, popular to a region’s inhabitants (Khalindi). The second type of protonationalism is the political bonds. Khali located several proto-nationalist elements among the Palestinians. For instance, he listed some of them as language, ethnicity, religion, icons, and awareness of belonging to a long-lasting political distinctiveness (Suleiman 206).Hobsbawn says that, â€Å"for language was merely one, and not necessarily the primary way of distinguishing between cultural communities† (Hobsbawn 58). A language is significant in the nationalist identity formation. First, it acts as an avenue of communication in both the political, as well as the cultural activism. In addition, Hobsbawn reveals ethnicity as another element of proto-nationalism. Hobsbawn say that, â€Å"ethnicity in the Herodotean sense was, is and can be something that binds together populations living on a large territories. ’’ (Hobsbawn 64). The identification of an individual with a certain ethnicity has a basis on assumed common lineage. Hobsbawn concludes that,â€Å" where an elite literary or administrative language exists, however a small number of its actual user, it can become an important element of proto-national cohesion† (Hobsbawn 59). The acknowledgment by others as a separate cultural group is often a contributing aspect to developing this link of recognition. Religion brings people to a common belief system. This is attributable to customs and beliefs that unite people and keep them at peace. Hobsbawn argues that, â€Å"religion is paradoxical cement for proto-nationalism and indeed for modern nationalism’’ (Hobsbawn 64). Ethnic groups are often united by universal culture, basis of social integration, social change, as well as the social control. It directs people towards a certain direction. It also provides conditions and restrictions that serve to limit people’s behavior. Therefore, people are limited in their actions because no entity is supposed to

World Heritage Sites Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

World Heritage Sites - Essay Example In most cases the places that have been highlighted as world heritage sites usually have a special physical appearance or culture that is associated with it. The places are usually designated as those that have a special significance to humanity. The selection process of these places is usually a rather complicated one majorly due to the fact that there are several places that may all be proposed for inscription as a world heritage site. The body that elects those sites that are to be listed as the world heritage sites is the United Nations General Assembly. At the same time the list of all the heritage sites of the world is maintained by the International World Heritage Programme which is under the UNESCO. There are certain special conditions under which these sites may receive funds say for maintenance and upgrade from the World Heritage Fund kitty. There are certain countries that have had the chance to have several sites listed. An perfect example in this case happens to be Italy . It is to be noted that the country has close to 47 sites that have been inscribed as world heritage sites.... It is to be appreciated that as a result of the world heritage sites program there are some countries that have benefitted tremendously as a result of this .The main reason for this is because these sites automatically become tourist sites. Over the years these sites have always attracted large numbers of people who are marveled by the features they entail or at the same time there are those that visit the sites with the intention of getting to know more about them. The nomination process that has been set forth is quite a rigorous one especially for the country that wants some of its sites to be listed therein. For starters the country in question must first take an inventory of all its natural properties and cultures which it perceives to be of importance. In actual sense this is called coming up with the Tentative List. After this is done then the nomination process begins. It is to be noted that a country is not supposed to nominate a site or culture that is not in the Tentative List. After this is done those sites that have been selected are then to be placed in the Nomination File. After this is done there are bodies that evaluate the file and make their recommendations to the World Heritage Committee. These bodies include the World Conservation Union and The International Council of Monuments and Sites. The Heritage committee then meets once a year and this is the time when it makes the decision of whether to inscribe particular sites or not. Preservation and Development It may be asked that who owns the site once it has been inscribed as a world heritage site. In actual sense it is the property of the country that it is

Democratic transitions in Armenia and Azerbaijan Essay Example for Free

Democratic transitions in Armenia and Azerbaijan Essay Introduction Armenia and Azerbaijan, two former Soviet Republics have since 1991 been undergoing a political transition from an authoritarian system towards a democratic system. Ten years after these transitions began, it is still questionable whether these states have made much progress. Aside from examining political, economic and social reforms undertaken, it is also important to consider the historical tradition of the region, which can be a factor in determining what kind of regime will emerge. Iran, Russia, and Turkey have always had immense influence over the area, thus in order to understand the process of democratization occurring it is necessary to examine their foreign policies. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union more than a decade ago, the newly formed successor states have undergone many changes and transformations. Though the initial enthusiasm of change has long dissipated it is only now possible to truly evaluate the actual developments that have occurred in the newly independent states (NIS) for the past ten years. Perhaps one of the most telling regions that can be assessed, in the former Soviet empire, is the southern Caucasus, more specifically the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan. This historically rich region, ripe with cultural tradition as well as ethnic rifts in many ways exemplifies the transitions taking place throughout the former Soviet Union. However, it must be emphasized that the experience of these two republics is unique especially when looking at the war they maintained with each other from 1992 to 1994. The intensity of the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan was one that has yet to be repeated by any of the other republics, thus making the South Caucasus a particularly interesting region to examine. Whereas an overview of the changes that were made within Armenia and Azerbaijan would give us a partial, if somewhat superficial understanding of the transition process, it is necessary to go beyond that scope. With the establishment of the former Soviet republics as legitimate and independent states in the late 1990s a new wave of democratization began. Like most of the former republics, with the exception of Belarus and Turkmenistan, Armenia and Azerbaijan looked forward to democratization. However as time passed the smooth transition from one regime to another began to falter. Though many reasons can be attributed to explain why democratization was not an immediate success within Armenia and Azerbaijan, such as political, economic and social conditions, not much attention has been given to external factors which have hindered the democratization process. More specifically it is necessary to look at the policies of foreign states and their impact on the establishment of a democratic tradition. In other words, aside from domestic policies, are the policies of foreign countries influential in the democratization process? Therefore, I propose, in order to understand the exact impact of foreign policies on Armenia and Azerbaijan, it is necessary to concentrate on the three major powers in the region, Iran, Russia, and Turkey. Historically all three states have had immense influence in the South Caucasus; consequently, their interests have come to dominate the events unfolding in the region. Accordingly, examining the foreign policies of Iran, Russia, and Turkey is a necessity in the understanding of the democratization process, determining whether or not their foreign policies have helped or hindered this process. I suggest that, in general states, act in accordance to their interests, and therefore seek to implement policies within their states that will uphold these interests. Hence, when looking at Armenia and Azerbaijan, in comparison to their neighbours, it is only natural that these neighbours would try to impose their influences on these two relatively weak states to advance their political, strategic and economic interests. Thus demonstrating that while it is important to look at the domestic politics to understand the process of democratization, it is not sufficient to explain everything. Moreover, we can say that this is not a situation unique to Armenia and Azerbaijan but can be applied in most cases to newly independent states, or states undergoing democratization. Defining democracy and democratization At this time it is necessary to define some of the terminology in order to clarify what is being implied by democracy and democratization. Democracy as a concept has in the past been defined according to its origins and its goals, in other words, as a system that derives from the will of the people and seeks to achieve the common good or social justice. However, such a definition is not easily proved and can easily lead to ambiguity where, after all, dictators can claim that they have received their power from the will of the people and they are in fact promoting the common good and social justice. Perhaps democracy can be defined within the framework of a procedural conception where decision making over rules and policies are collectively binding but over which the people still maintain control. Furthermore, within this system it is necessary that all members of the collectivity be assured of their equal rights in participating directly in this decision making process. In other words, democracy is the polar opposite oif a system of rule where the population is excluded from the decision making process and therefore has no control over it. Transitions happen when there is a split within the regime between the hardliners and softliners. This split causes the beginning of a bargaining process between the state and its opposition elite, thus prompting the transition within a modal pattern. Another important issue within democratization literature deals with the definition of democratic consolidation. It is necessary to distinguish clearly the differences between transitional democracies and consolidated democracies. In fact it woiuld be erroneous to assume that states emerging from authoritarian regimes could be automatically called democratic just because its officials are popularly elected. In most cases these states are still missing some of the essential elements of democracy,. Furthermore, they require the setting up and instutionalization of the new regime and its rules. Therefore it is important to acknowledge that a transition from an authoritarian regime does not necessarily mean a transition to a democracy or democratic consolidation. In fact, it can be said that both processes are distinct involving separate actors, strategies and conditions. Consequently, rather than simply undermining and authoritarian regime, democratic consolidation is more elaborate. The main role of democratic consolidation is to rid the state of the remnants of the old regime which are incommensurable with the construction of democratic institutions and reinforcing rules. Therefore, a concise definition of democratic consolidation is when a states actors have agreed to abide by the democratic rules of the game and will not resort to using any other extra-democratic means to achieve their goals. The events leading to the collapse of the Soviet Union The collapse of the Soviet union did not occur overnight in December 1991. In fact, the fabric of Soviet society had been gradually unraveling for years. By the time Mikhail Gorbachev assumed leadership of the Soviet Union he was aware of that things coulds not continue in the same manner. In 1985, Gorbachev tried to introduce the reforms of acceleration and intensification in relation to upgrading productivity. Thus by the end of 1985, perestroika (restructuring) and glasnot (openness) became the slogans of his administration. Perestroika emphasized a new type of bureaucratization, one which was much more in tune with the masses. In short, it was a way to change the boss mentality prevalent in command regimes and to reorganize the system to make it more efficient. Though Gorbachev actively spoke of change in public, behind the scenes very little was truly being done to change the system. The explosion of the Chernobyl nuclear reactor was a perfect example of this lack of change. Though the government spoke of opennes, it took Gorbachev nearly three weeks to acknowledge the extent of the catastrophe, at which point he did not give any details on the effects of the explosion on agriculture, industry and the consequences on human lives. In essence, glasnost had failed because the government itself was not completely commited to it. Perestroika also suffered a similar fate seeing as not much was being actually done to restructure the system. From 1987 to 1988, Gorbachev introduced five new economic reform which were designed to help the fledging Soviet economy. In January 1987, he introduced quality control inspectors in order to make sure that the quality of Soviet goods would be improved from their well known substandard level. In other words, emphasis was going to be put more on quality than quantity. The following month, he launched a new wage policy where an individual worker would be rewarded for an above average performance. Gorbachev then set about decentralizing the management of enterprises requiring that they administer their own finances, in order to make them profitable. Those who did not meet the standard were to be shut down. On May 1st 1988, Gorbachev allowed for the limited opening of private enterprises. Lastly in August 1988, he initiated a new agricultural policy where farmers would be allowed to rent land from the state, and to purchase the necessary equipment. However with the deregulation of enterprises, the prices of goods inexorably went up, causing discontentment within the population. Gradually the government saw all of its reforms either criticized for being too radical or not being reformist enough. Concurrently, in the republics nationalists movements had begun to emerge revealing, in some areas, widespread anti- Russian sentiments. One such outburst ocurred in December 1986 in Alma Ata in Kazakhastan, however, Gorbachev choose to ignore the riot thinking that it was an abnormality. By 1998 and 1989 other outbreaks occurred, as a direct result of the added freedom of glasnost. All of a sudden Armenians were demonstrting on the streets of Yerevan, the capital city of Armenia, demanding for the transfer of the Armenian enclave of Nagorno Karabagh which was under control of Azerbaijan. The Baltic republics began to claim their independence from the Soviet Union, stating that their annexation in 1939 with the Molotov- Ribbentrop pact was unlawful. Ethnic unrest aslo erupted throughout the Central Asian republics, in Moldavia, and in Georgia. Nevertheless, in the face of such unrest, the Gorbachev government remained largely ineffectual, demostrating that it was unable to cope with the changes ocurring throughout the Soviet Union. The final blow to the Soviet Union came in August 1991 when conservative forces within the Communist party, unhappy with the reforms and the new union treaty, put Gorbachev, who was vacationing in the Crimea, under house arrest in an attempt to seize power from him. Through the coup attempt was unsuccessful, it was clear Gorbachevs central administration was quite impotent, leaving room for the assertion of power by the republics, in particular the Russian republic and its leader Boris Yeltsin. For the remaining months, Grobachev tried in vain to regain control. Nonehtless, one after the other starting with the Ukraine, each republic voted for independence. By the end of the month the Soviet Union no longer existed. Reforms and Changes in Armenia and Azerbaijan With the end of the Soviet Union, fifteen new republics emerged, each trying to find a way to cope with this newfound freedom. Slowly, the international community recognized the republics as independent and sovereign states. Consequently, most of them publicly announced that they would choose democracy as their form of government, in order to become full members of the international community and play by the rules of the game. Armenia and Azerbaijan from the beginning declared that they would democratize. They would adopt rules and regulations that would promote institutions of democracy. They would have free elections, and institute liberal market economies. In other words, they would eradicate the old soviet system and accept liberal demcocracy. Needless to say, it did not quite occur that way, nor has it been so easy. Considering the fact that even before the disintegration of the Soviet Union Armenia and Azerbaijan were in the midst of an ethnic war with each other, it is not surprise that the actual process of democratization in these countries is tentative and at times very slow. The years of conflict have left the local economies of each state weak, with widespread infrastructural damage and large refugee problems. Moreover, due to the conflict and general instability of the region, foreign investment has been scarce. In other words, democratization has taken a back seat to survival. However this is not to say that there have been no developments. When looking at electoral patterns as an indication of democratization it is possible to observe that Armenia and Azerbaijan, since 1991 have had elections, with a somewhat stable change in the government of Armenia in 1998. There had been somewhat controversial elections two years earlier, in 1996, when the incumbent oresident Levon Ter Petrossian banned the major opposition party, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation. In 1998, after much discontent over the settlement of Nagorno Karabagh issue, Ter PEtrossian resigned. The elections of 1998 were not perfect, in fact observers sent by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) noted many abnormalities. However, since these elections, there have been noted improvements in the conducting of the May 1999 Parliamentary election and the October 1999 municipal elections. Nevertheless, the process of democratization did suffer a significant blow when five armed men entered the National Assembly in October 1999, killing the Prime minister, the speaker of the National Assembly and six other deputies. Furthermore, most recently Armenia has been criticized for media censorship when it recently closed down a non-government funded television channel. This is not the first time the Armenia rsorts to intervening the media. Before the 1996 elections, then President Ter Petrossian shut down many of his oppositions media outlets. In comparison, elections in azerbaijan have been less successful, with constant widespread irregularities. This is further emphasized by the fact that the current president o Azerbaijan, Heidar Aliev, came to power in less than democratic circumstances, and has used the constitution several times to extend his tenure. For example, in preparation for the 1998 presidential elections, electoral laws were modified, the media was under strict censorship, in other words, everything was done to make sure Aliev was reconfirmed as President. Needless to say corruption and nepotism are not unusual in Azerbaijan. This trend has been reinforced by the Aliev government which has taken to he practice of assigning extended family members to important government or business positions. For example, Alievs brother is in charge of the State Oil Corporation of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Socar), which is the enterprise in charge of most of the oil extraction in the Caspian sea. Democratization as a foreign policy In recent years, a debate among academics has been at the forefront of the study of post communist transitions, evaluating whether they can be compared with other transitions to democracy. Though it is necessary to state that there are some differences in the process, however that does not mean that they cannot be compared. Even though post communist states face different challenges, there is a similarity when evaluating the influence of a foreign state. At this point it is necessary to discuss some of the challenges faced by former Communist states. Though the debate on the comparability of the democratization process of former communist states and other authoritarian states is still ongoing, it would be unwise to believe that there are no differences in the transition process. Nevertheless, differences do not mean that each of the processes cannot be compared, on the contrary, differences along with similarities make the research much more dynamic. Indeed what makes transitions from communism unique from from all other forms of authoritarianism is the fact that it is a transition from Communism. Thus raising the question of how are they different? It is often stated that one of the distinguishing factors of post communist transitions is the rise of ethnic conflict. From 1989 to 1991 three countries broke up causing ethno-territorial conflicts. The main internal impediments faced by post communist societies in their transition can be traced to the social and economic legacy of communism. Aside from the foreign policy of other countries, those states in transition had to deal with eighty years of perverted modernization. Even though under communism Russia became a modernized, highly industrialized, urbanized and literate society, the fact remains that the regime tried to undermine the human ability for autonomous action. This is most obviously reflected in the transition to a liberalized market economy, where the concepts of preoperty and originality are essential. Clearly, there is a strong correlation between the establishment of democracy and the growth of a market economy. However, with the destruction of the notion of private property, the notion of personality was also ruined. The loss of personality and property systematically erased the conception of freedom as natural and alienable. It is imperative to acknowledge that it was not only the capacity for acting autonomously that was affected but also the ability to think freely and with innovation. Furthermore, Communism also annihilated the idea of social responsibility, which is a necessity in a democratic regime. Consequently, during transitioin and democratization in communist states, it is not only necessary to change the actual regime, but it is also crucial to change the social consciousness, in order to change the conception of property and responsibility which are inherent to a healthy market economy. Returning to the issue of foreign influence, it would be wrong to assume that only states in the process of transition can be affected by the foreign policy of other actors, indeed, to a certain degree, all states are susceptible to foreign policies, but this is most obvious in states undergoing regime changes. In fact, when comparing to other factors, the study of foreign policy as an influence on transitions to democracy reamins largely controversial and understudied. Most scholars of regime change, in particular, of democratization, have focused on other means of explanation. This does not mean that the importance of the foreign policy should be disregaderd. Perhaps, this is an indication that more time should be accorded to its study. One author on the topic has determined three evident ways that foreign actors impact the transition of another state. The first level described is the influence on the socio-economic structures, in other words, activism, social and cultural cleavage s, and economic concentration, dispersion, and inequality. The second level consists of outright domination of state over another through the means of foreign policy. As a result, it is the politics of another state that determines the type of regime which emerges, democratic or authoritarian. Needless to say, this type of influence is quite rare, though there are some outstanding examples. Following the end of the Second World War, Germany, Austria, and Italy were quickly imposed democratic forms of government by the victorious Allies, specifically the United States, Great Britain and France. In contrast, Czechoslovakia and Poland were imposed authoritarian regimes by the Soviet Union. Another type of complete domination can also be colonialism or even the occupation of territories of one state over another state. The third level deals directly with how foreing policy can alter choices available to a state in transition, therefore the type of regime adopted will to some extent depend on what kind of influence the foreign actor excercises. In 1989, with the crumbling of the Berlin Wall, eastern European states, one after the other declared their rejection of the communist regime and adopted a pro- democratic stance. The reason for that can be attributed to this change, following the line of thinking presented above, is with the end of the old regime, the influence of western European foregin policy on eastern Europe, democracy and democratization seemed to be the only viable choice. The influence of Iranian, Russian and Turkish foreign policy on Armenia and Azerbaijan At this point, it is necessary to examine the specific foreign policies of the three mos influential countries in the Caucasus and their effects on Armenia and Azerbaijan. As stated earlier the different policies pursued by Iran, Russia and Turkey have a tremendous impact on the transition to democracy of Armenia and Azerbaijan due to the nature of the relationship with each other. Consequently, the policies practiced by one state will undoubtedly affect another; this is especially true when examining the susceptibility of Armenia and Azerbaijan in comparision to their powerful neighbours. Moreover, this influnce extends beyond the political realm, affecting economic relations as well as social structures. a) The foreign policy of Iran Even though the interest of Iranian foreign policy in the Caucasus is a product of the end of the Cold War, there are historical and ethnic reasons behind this current concern. The Russo-Persian wars of the 19th century had effectively removed Persian influence from the region however it did leave behind a significant consequence. By signing the Treaty of Turkmenchai in 1828, Persia gave up all claims to territories north of the Araxes River, permanently severing the lands inhabited by the Azerbaijani. With the fall of the Iron Curtain that division was not quite as important anymore, therefore possibly influencing the social balance of Iran. Indeed the majority of ethnic Azerbaijanis do not live in Azerbaijan, rather they live in Northern Iran, making up a population of roughly 15 to 20 million. In comparison, in the republic of Azerbaijan, there is approximately a population of 8 million Azerbaijanis. Therefore, it is not surprising that in 1991, after Azerbaijan became an independent state, there were demands on both sides of the border for unification, thus making the government of Tehran, the Iranian capital, very nervous. However, talk about unification, soon faded when the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the region of Nagorno Karabagh intensified. Azerbaijan was in no position, financially and politically to absorb the influx of migrants or to begin a process of unification. The iranian government began to give importance to the conflict. This was largely due to the fact that many Azerbaijanis fleeing the conflict began to take refuge in northern Iran. Moreover, with the intensification of the conflict between the Armenians and the Azerbaijanis, the whole region was beginning to destabilize. Iran was worried that perhaps there would be a spill over effect, maybe even mobilizing its own Azerbaijani population. Another reason for concern was the growing influence of Turkey. It was no secret that with the end of Communism, Iran and Turkey were actively vying for positions of influence in the Caucasus, mainly because of the issue of Caspian oil. Initially, Iran tried to mediate between the two faction; in 1993 it even sponsored the first ceasefire agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, however it soon became obvious that this effort would fail. At that point, Iran no longer actively participated in the negotiation process, however it did continue to pursue its national interests. In order to avoid any long term separatist movement, Iran sought to support the Armenian faction. Though it strongly adherer to the principle of territorial integrity, Iran at every opportunity sustained the Armenian war effort, in hopes of keeping some measure of control over Azerbaijan and any nationalist claims. By 1994, the focus of Iranian foreign policy shifted to the matter of the division of the Caspian Sea and Caspian oil. In an unprecedented move, Iran and Russia, seeing themselves being gradually left out of the Caspian oil deals, began to collaborate on the issue of dividing the Caspian Sea. Also, through the intermediary of Armenia, Iran initiated bilateral and trilateral meetings with Russia signing cooperation accords. Azerbaijan and Turkey did not view these as gestures of friendship, rather they saw them as potential threats. It must be said that relations between Iran and Azerbaijan remain quite tense. Irans continued economic and political support of Armenia remains a bone of contention for Azerbaijan. b) the policy of Russia With the end of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and the subsequent emergence of fifteen independent republics a new era of foreign policy began on the Eurasian continent. In regards to the three states of the Caucasus, that is to say Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, Russias foreign policy was quite clear. The Caucasus, for Russia, is an integral part of its policy realm. By the final years of the Soviet Union, during the Gorbachev administration, Soviet foreign policy changed dramatically, culminating in the abandonment of Eastern Europe, the dissolution of the Warsaw pact and then the end of the Cold War. Nonetheless, when comparing turn of the century Russian foreign policy with its current counterpart, it becomes evident that little has changed. The Caucasus, in other words, Armenia and Azerbaijan, play a significant role in Russian national security. When looking at Russian foreign policy in Armenia and Azerbaijan, there are specific issues that need to be examined in order to comprehend Russias poisition and its foreign policy, such as, ethnic conflicts, terriorial integrity, and military bases. Like Iran and Turkey, Russias foreign policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan has been dictated by the Nagorno Karabagh conflict. As part of its foreign policy concept, Russia is quite serious about keeping territorial integrity intact. Of course this is in their best interest considering the problems it has in the Northern Caucasus with the Chechens. The fact is that if they do give any chance to the possibility of altering borders this would give added incentive to separatist groups within Russia to declare their own independence. Therefore, it is clearly stated in their foreign policy that territorial integrity is a non negotiable element. In fact, Russia supports a diplomatic resolution to the conflict through the auspices of the OSCE. Though some critics would say that Russias intentions in this conflict were in general biased towards the Armenian faction, due to the fact that the Armenian government repeatedly enlisted Russian military support in its conflict with Azerbaijan. Another aspect of the Russian foreign policy is the presence of its military bases in Armenia. Though this does not directly affect Azerbaijan, seeing as the bases are not near its shared bordder with Armenia, it does however affect relations between Armenia and Turkey. In essence the presence of the Russian military is there to reinforce its position in the Caucasus, making sure that neither turkey nor Iran for that matter, become too influiential. However the fact that there are Russian military installations on Armenia territory says much about the relationship between the two states. Armenia has become politically and economically dependent on Russia, and with military presence it also indicates a strategic presence it also indicates a strategic dependence. In contrast, Russias relation with Azerbaijan has long been strained, and has further disintigrated as Azerbaijan has aligned itself more closely to turkey. c) The Foreign Policy of Turkey Until the collapse of the Soviet regime, Turkish foreign policy had little concern for its eastern neighbours. Instead its attention focused its relation within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Cold War environment, as well as its accession to the European Union (EU) In other words, Turkey was largely preocupied with the West and securing a definite position within that context. The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War dramatically changed that role. Turkey found itself along with Nato at a crossroad, trying to re-evaluate its relevance in the new global framework. Simultaneously, with the establishment of the fifteen newly formed republics of the former Soviet Union, Turkey was able to begin a new era in its foreign policy making, which was widely supported form within Turkey as well. Thus, Turkey sought to establish closer relationships with its ethnic brethren in the Caucasus and Central Asia. With the 1990 rejection of the Turkish accession by The European Community and the end of the the cold war, Turkey had to adapt its foreign policy to reflect the current context. The first step in the process was the recognition of independence of the Azerbaijani republic on November 9th 1991, nearly a full month before it recognized the other republics. By supporting Azerbaijan, Turkey was asserting its newly found interest in the region, making sure that not one country would become the dominant influential power. Aside from the political aspects of Turkeys policy towards Azerbaijan, it is necessary to examine the economic aspects. Since the signing of the cease- fire between Armenia and Azerbaijan in 1994, The Nagorno Karabagh conflict has taken a backseat in the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey to give way to the Caspian Oil isse. Turke has actively participated and invested in the construction of pipelines and oil extraction consortiums. In fact, it is now one of the major investors in the Azerbaijan International Oil Company (AIOC). Moreover, Turkey has greatly invested in a new oil pipeline stretching from Baku to the Mediterranean port of Ceyhan, which will become the main mode of transportation of Caspian oil to the rest of the world. Thus it can be said, that relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey, in the future will have a much more economic slant. In contrast with Azerbaijan, relations between Armenia and Turkey are much more difficult. In fact, one could even say that relations between Armenia and Turkey are at best hostile, barely tolerant of one another. Nevertheless, despite the political hostility, in the las five years, Turkey has begun to penetrate the Armenian economic market through the export of goods, such as foodstuffs, machinery and construction materials. Though the exports, for the most part are not sent directly to Armenia, they usually arrive by way of Georgia, there is a growing recognition within the Turkish government and the Armenian government that economically it is in their best interests to cooperate. Turkish willingness stems from the fact that its easternmost province of Kars, which shares border with Armenia, is suffering from large population decrease and general underdevelopment. Conclusion With the end of the Cold War the dynamics of the republics of the former Soviet Union were completely changed. Immediately they were faced with a choice, either to adapt to the new world or desperately try to maintain the status quo. Initially, despite their difference Armenia and Azerbaijan seemed to be willing to democratize. However with the regional instability this process of democratization has been slow to progress. Though there are many theories that try to explain the process of democratization and preconditions necessary for that process of democratization has been slow to progress. Though there are many theories that try to explain the process of democratization and the preconditions necessary for that process, recent efforts have tried to explain why transition occurs in one area as opposed to another area. Though there are some similarities, the categorization of types of transition, such as transitions through transaction, transitions through extrication, or transition through regime defeat, the main point of contention deals with the historical legacy of the regime. According to some academics, the historical legacy of a former authoritarian regime is what determines the type of democratization that will take place. There is no direct link between prior regime type and the mode of transition in relation to the prospects of democracy. Therefore when looking at the transitions of Armenia and Azerbaijan, though the old Soviet regime may determine to some degree what will happen in the process of democratization, there is not pre-established mold. In fact one of the elements that can have an influence in the process is the impact of the foreign policies of other states. In other words, for Armenia and Azerbaijan, democratization will be influenced by the foreign policies of Iran, Russia, and Turkey, due to the extent of authority the exercise in the region